Globalisation and Free World Trade – Could it be Justified?
Many countries all over the world support the idea of free trade and globalisation, which is quick access to goods and services based on market forces on a global platform with minimal government intervention (Hill, C., 2004). Some benefits of free trade would include higher consumption of products or services; better utilization of resources; greater economic growth and higher development of wealth (Hill, 2004).
However, there is strong opposition to globalisation and also to the organizations promoting a freer world trade. Such opposition can come in the form of certain government intervention. There are several causes of such opposition. First, certain jobs and industries need to be protected against foreign competition (Hill, 2004). Usa gave protection to important industries for example automobile, machine tools and steel as Voluntary Export Restraints (VER) in the 1980s, which protected jobs as well (Hill, 2004). However, such a move is not justified as the prices of these products ended up being greater than the planet prices by reducing foreign imports, hence diminishing its global competitiveness (Hill, 2004). Another related argument for opposition may be the need to protect infant industries with appropriate tariffs, import quotas and subsidies until they have developed sufficiently to compete about the global stage (Hill, 2004). However, such protectionism usually does not result in the industry more effective, with the adverse effect of making them more complacent. The Brazilian auto industry was still highly inefficient after 3 decades of protection from the government (Journal of Commerce, 1991). Krugman (2001) also mentions that interventionist policies to advertise particular sectors of the industry must draw resources from other sectors, hence rendering such policies inefficient. Actually, advocates of free trade have required a finish to all subsidies that promote the wasteful use of natural resources and also to introduce pollution taxes, to ensure that current prices can reflect the risk of climatic change (Economist, 2001). Such arguments for free trade therefore are justifiable in cases like this.
National security is another reason for opposition to globalisation. Industries related to production of defense products, for example aerospace and semi-conductors, are thought too important and dangerous to trust from foreign sources (Hill, 2004). The U.S. government previously funded and protected Sematech, which is a consortium in production of semi-conductors, within the mid 1980s (World Investment Report, 2002). However, such an argument turns out to be self-defeating, as semi-conductors are subsequently employed for pcs and microprocessor chips, and ultimately resulting in more effective private funding during 1996 (World Investment Report, 2002).
Protecting consumers is another strong demand opposition to globalisation. At times, government intervention is needed, with regulations in position, in order to protect consumers from products deemed to be unsafe (Hill, 2004). U.S. had banned the imports of countless arms and weapons in 1998 following the rampant killings by individuals using such weapons (World Investment Report, 2002). This kind of opposition is justified in cases like this.
Protecting human rights will always be a well known call for opposition to globalisation. Countries like China and India have bad human rights records, using the usage of child labour and poor working conditions in rural areas (Hill, 2004). U.S. has wanted to grant probably the most Favored Nation (MFN) status to China, with many critics opposing this type of move. They claimed that MFN status should simply be awarded when China indicates marked signs of improvement in their human rights record (Hill, 2004). However, others have argued that the best way to enhance a persons rights stance of a country is most likely to engage them through international trade (Hill, 2004). With China’s entry to World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 2001, it remains to appear if China can display vast improvement in their human rights and dealing conditions situation.
There are several criticisms of WTO to promote freer world trade. First, the WTO isn’t considered politically powerful (Rugman, 2001). All of its previous rounds of tariff cuts need to be screened and implemented by the respective sovereign governments, for example U.S. and Britain. Hence the WTO has no power on its to be actively involved with politics (Rugman, 2001).
Second, WTO lacks technical skills in dealing with non-trade and labour issues for example environmental regulations, labour standards and human rights (Rugman, 2001). This may lead to negative effects on some of the WTO’s rulings on environmental and human rights policies. One example is when WTO has blocked a U.S. ruling whereby fishing nets are required to be fitted with a device which allows endangered sea turtles to escape (Bangkok Post, 1998). This has caused uproar among environmentalists as they found this ruling necessary to protect these endangered species (Bangkok Post, 1998).
Individuals who oppose to WTO feel that the business isn’t doing enough to prevent imports from countries whereby child labour is being abused as well as poor working conditions (Hill, 2004). Globalisation also causes greater pollution to the environment (Hill, 2004). Opposition also states that such imports from these countries are ‘stealing’ jobs from developed countries as well, as a result manufacturers from rich countries will shift their working bases to poorer countries (Hill, 2004). Its the anti-globalists’ critics, developing countries have been crying for more liberalization, with China supplying the major spur right now (Economist, 2003). Hence the rich countries would be the worried ones, as the developing countries’ growth are said to ‘steal’ their markets (Economist, 2003). However advocates of free trade and WTO believe civilized world are the ones that impose environmental and labour standards with no action from poor countries (Hill, 2004). Moreover, imposing import restrictions on developing countries will be self-defeating, as free trade will help improve their standards of living, which will subsequently lead to proper environmental and labour laws being enacted in those countries (Hill, 2004).
Simultaneously, tasks are not ‘stolen’ but rather there are greater unskilled workers in the market (Hill, 2004). Hence one solution should be an investment in education through the respective governments to be able to lessen the way to obtain unskilled workers (Hill, 2004). Advocates of free trade also maintain that free trade through comparative advantage leads to wealth creation and economic growth, hence allowing even poorer countries to handle problems of pollution and population growth (Hill, 2004).
According to the two points mentioned above, such opposition to WTO’s style of management may be justified, as the organization must be better equipped in politics and technical skills to deal with problems facing world trade. However, WTO’s stance on freer trade is still justifiable, because this will lead to affordable prices to consumers with greater efficiency in resource allocation on a global basis (Hill, 2004).
Third, the WTO needs to be more discreet within their decisions with regards to free trade in agricultural products. Environmentalists have been concerned with how the lowering of tariffs on imports of lumber from developing countries will result in more logs of trees being cut from places like Indonesia and Myanmar (Hill, 2004). This can lead to greater global deforestation (Hill, 2004). Simultaneously, WTO also offers to deal with high protectionism in agricultural products. This really is reflected by high tariff rates in countries such as U.S. (4.7%) and Japan (4%), along with high subsidies, in year 2000 (Hill, 2004). Such high tariffs and subsidies are implemented by civilized world, which want to protect their industries from competition by low-cost third world countries (Hill, 2004). Such actions are not encouraged by developing countries and the WTO, who feel that such tariffs and subsidies will only lower trade, increase prices to consumers and result in inefficient utilization of resources (Hill, 2004). In cases like this, protectionism in agriculture is not justified.
Globalisation should not ignore the need for protection of intellectual property. Without correct protections for intellectual property, you will see fewer incentives for greater innovation. The Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS agreement) has given varying grace periods to WTO members on compliance with patent and copyright regulations (Hill, 2004). WTO will have to take special care with certain countries such as China and India, whereby piracy of softwares is rampant (Hill, 2004). The loss of piracy can help boast economic and social welfare (Hill, 2004). Such action for WTO is recognized as justifiable and should not be opposed by any special interests groups.
WTO also came under criticisms for the way they permit countries to impose anti-dumping policies on foreign imports if they can prove they’re “victims” to excess capacity and cheap prices by low-cost countries (Hill, 2004). Some 2,160 anti-dumping policies have been implemented since 2002, with India having the largest number of anti-dumping policies (331 cases) (Hill, 2004). However, a few of the anti-dumping actions raised through the respective governments may constitute political instead of economic well-being, as government officials might be pressurized the need for more votes for future elections by huge manufacturers to supply protection from foreign imports (Hill, 2004). Such irresponsible actions ought to be abolished by WTO and the organization should keep regulations for anti-dumping actions under control (Hill, 2004). Meanwhile, Bhagwati (2002) also argued that multinational corporations must also be socially responsible with their policies and the environment in general. The governments must also take active steps to improve the openness and accountability that belongs to them actions and policy making (McLaren, 2001). A good example would be the implementation from the spirit of the Arhus Convention in terms of rights to access of information, participation and use of justice (McLaren, 2001). Hence in this case, globalisation rather than protectionism is more justified.
In summary, there are mixed reviews towards the opposition for globalisation. In the end, the need for greater liberalization will hugely depends upon how the advocates free of charge trade are able to convince the anti-globalists that globalisation is often the best way in providing better labour standards, providing more jobs in the market and protecting environmental surroundings in general (Hill, 2004).